Senate District 15: Jay J. Chaudhuri

Name: Jay J. Chaudhuri

Age: 57

Party affiliation: Democrat

Occupation & employer: Attorney and Cohen Milstein Sellers & Toll

Years lived in the area: 27

1. What in your background qualifies you to represent the people of your North Carolina district effectively? What would you cite as your three biggest career accomplishments?

I’ve served at the highest levels of state government: as Special Counsel to Attorney General Roy Cooper, as General Counsel to Treasurer Janet Cowell, and as State Senator since 2016. My top accomplishments are (1) forcing a fix to an unfunded K–3 class size mandate, which won $61 million a year to keep art, music, and PE teachers; (2) sponsoring the SAFE Child Act, which passed unanimously and gave child abuse survivors more time to seek justice; and (3) defeating a plan to move DHHS headquarters out of Raleigh, which kept 2,300 state jobs in Wake County.

2. What do you believe to be the three most pressing issues facing the next General Assembly? What steps do you believe the state should take to address them?

“The next General Assembly faces three pressing challenges: tackling the affordability crisis, funding public education, and preparing for the fallout from federal cuts.

Affordability: North Carolina’s economy is growing, but too many working families aren’t feeling it. Child care costs more than in-state college tuition in many counties, power bills keep climbing, and housing hasn’t kept pace with growth; Wake County alone adds roughly 66 new residents a day. The state should expand child care access by supporting family child care homes and stabilizing the early childhood workforce. It should hold our utility company accountable on rate increases. And, it should build on bipartisan reforms that address overregulation and provide more housing supply.

Public Education: We still haven’t met our constitutional obligation under Leandro to give every child a sound basic education. The state should fully fund the Leandro plan, pay teachers competitively so we stop losing them to neighboring states, and invest in K–12 STEM so students are ready for the jobs coming to North Carolina.

Federal Cuts: Washington is shifting costs for SNAP and Medicaid onto the states. North Carolina must protect Medicaid expansion, which covers more than 650,000 North Carolinians, and plan now for new SNAP cost-sharing so families don’t lose food assistance and our schools don’t lose meal programs.”

3. Federal cuts to Medicaid are expected to cost the state $50 billion over the next decade, according to the N.C. Department of Health and Human Services. How would you address Medicaid funding to maintain coverage for the millions of North Carolinians enrolled?

“Medicaid covers approximately 2.4 million people in the traditional program alone, plus hundreds of thousands more through expansion, and it keeps rural hospitals and nursing homes open. Protecting it takes four steps.

First, protect Medicaid expansion. Current law automatically ends expansion if federal funding drops below 90 percent. We should repeal that trigger so hundreds of thousands of working North Carolinians don’t lose coverage overnight because of decisions made in Washington.

Second, fund Medicaid fully and on time. Last year’s stopgap budget left a $319 million hole, and DHHS was forced to cut provider rates in October. Providers and patients shouldn’t be caught in the middle of a budget standoff. With next year’s rebase expected to top $1 billion, the General Assembly now needs a long-term funding plan to avoid another stopgap measure.

Third, implement federal changes without purging eligible people. Work requirements and six-month eligibility reviews begin January 1, 2027. The state should verify eligibility automatically using data it already has, invest in county staff, and make compliance simple, so no one who qualifies loses coverage over paperwork.

Fourth, make Medicaid a budget priority. New federal limits on hospital assessments will squeeze how we fund the program. Before passing more tax cuts that reduce revenue, we should secure Medicaid’s long-term funding and push our congressional delegation to reverse these cuts.”

4. The General Assembly has voted to put a constitutional amendment on ballots that, if passed, would put a cap on property tax increases. Do you support the amendment? Why or why not?

“Families and seniors in my district are feeling the squeeze from rising property tax bills, and I take that seriously. But I oppose putting this in the constitution. The amendment doesn’t actually set a cap. It writes a vague mandate into our state constitution and leaves the real decision (the formula, the exceptions, how it’s tied to inflation or growth) to the next General Assembly. And it isn’t necessary: as UNC’s School of Government has noted, the General Assembly already has the power to limit property taxes without amending the constitution.

That’s why the vote that matters most comes in 2027, when lawmakers write the implementing law. I’ll judge that legislation by two principles. First, it must deliver real relief to working families and seniors on fixed incomes. Second, it cannot come at the expense of our public schools, including our Leandro obligations, or the local services communities depend on.

We don’t need to amend the constitution to deliver relief now. I’ve seen gentrification in my own district push longtime residents out of neighborhoods they helped build. That’s why I’ve sponsored homestead exemption legislation to reduce or freeze property taxes for long-term eligible homeowners, and co-sponsored the Working Families Act to expand the property tax circuit breaker for seniors and homeowners with disabilities. We should welcome new neighbors, but not by pricing out the people who made these neighborhoods what they are.”

5. How would you address the rising costs of housing, childcare, and basic necessities facing North Carolina families?

“North Carolina families feel the squeeze every month, and state government can do something about it. I’ve fought on four fronts.

Housing: Too many people can’t afford to live in the communities they serve. We have teachers who can’t live in the county where they teach and police officers who can’t live in the communities they protect. That’s why I supported legislation to make it easier to convert underused commercial properties into housing by right in growing cities like Raleigh, because time is money and cutting red tape helps us build housing faster. It also lets homeowners add accessory dwelling units, like garage apartments and in-law suites, to house an aging parent or an adult child, or to earn rental income. And I’ve sponsored homestead exemption legislation to reduce or freeze property taxes for long-term homeowners so they aren’t taxed out of their neighborhoods.

Child care: As Co-Chair of the Early Childhood Caucus, I’ve fought to expand child care subsidies because parents can’t join or stay in the workforce if they can’t afford care.

Groceries: I fought to fund SUN Bucks, which helps feed more than a million North Carolina kids over the summer so they don’t go hungry.

Everyday Bills: I’ve spoken out against our utility company’s rate hikes, which hit seniors on fixed incomes and working families hardest. And, I sponsored the bipartisan Real Tickets, Real Fans Act to crack down on predatory ticket resale, so families can enjoy a night out without breaking the bank.

Going into the 2027 long session, I’ll keep fighting to make North Carolina a place working families can afford to live.”

6. Climate disasters are intensifying: Hurricane Helene devastated Western North Carolina in 2024, Tropical Storm Chantal flooded the Triangle in 2025, and coastal erosion threatens the Outer Banks. With much affordable housing located in flood-prone areas and FEMA resources stretched thin, what is your plan for climate resilience and disaster relief?

“Hurricane Helene and Tropical Storm Chantal shows us that climate disasters aren’t just a coastal problem anymore. They’re hitting mountain towns and Triangle neighborhoods too. With Washington pulling back on FEMA, North Carolina has to be ready to protect itself. We need to do four things:

First, finish the job on recovery. Two years after Helene, western North Carolina has made real progress. More than 1,250 homes have been repaired or rebuilt, and 99% of drinking water systems and state roads have been restored. But the hardest work remains: private roads, bridges, and local systems that federal programs don’t fully cover, and a regional labor force that has shrunk by more than 16,000 people since before the storm. The state has delivered more than $2.4 billion across six relief packages, and I voted for this year’s budget, which adds $706 million more. I support Governor Stein’s call for Congress to provide more than $10 billion in additional federal aid, and I support his new Economic Recovery Plan. The plan was built by the region itself, and it makes sure recovery doesn’t just restore what was there but builds a stronger, more diversified economy. Helene showed why a strong rainy day fund matters, and we should keep it strong for the next storm rather than draining it for more tax cuts.

Second, protect people where they live. Much of our affordable housing sits in flood-prone areas, and the families living there can least afford to rebuild. I’d expand grants to strengthen roofs and flood-proof homes, fund voluntary buyouts for homeowners in repeat-flood zones, and make sure new affordable housing is built out of harm’s way.

Third, build and prepare for the storms ahead. Fast-growing communities like Wake County need stormwater and drainage systems designed for today’s rainfall, not yesterday’s. Flood maps need to reflect real risk, and the Outer Banks needs sustained investment in beach nourishment and resilient roads.

Finally, tackle the cause because climate change is real. Cutting carbon pollution is the cheapest disaster relief there is. That’s why I opposed the Power Bill Reduction Act, which repealed North Carolina’s 2030 carbon reduction goal and shifted more costs onto families’ power bills. I’ll keep fighting to restore that goal and grow the clean energy economy.”

7. The General Assembly recently passed a new congressional redistricting map. This marks the state’s seventh congressional map since 2016. How do you view the most recent redistricting? And do you support independent redistricting processes, or do you believe the legislature should retain this power?

“The latest map reflects exactly what the Republican sponsor who redrew the map told us:. the map was drawn in order to add another Republican seat to the congressional delegation. It was that blatant. It was that partisan.

That’s not redistricting. It’s politicians choosing their voters, at the request of a president trying to hold onto the U.S. House of Representatives. Despite public protests, the map passed anyway, on a party-line vote, and the Governor has no power to veto it.

North Carolina has now drawn seven congressional maps in ten years. I’ve now had five redrawn Senate districts in five terms. Voters can’t hold their representatives accountable when the lines keep moving under their feet, and courts have made clear they won’t stop partisan gerrymandering on their own.

That’s why I’ve repeatedly sponsored or co-sponsored legislation establishing an independent redistricting commission that takes this power out of the hands of legislators, including my own party. Maps should be drawn in public using clear criteria: keeping communities and counties together, complying with the Voting Rights Act, and never using partisan data to rig the outcome.”

8. North Carolina ranks near the bottom nationally in teacher pay. How would you address teacher compensation, and what will you do to ensure a budget passes that adequately funds education?

“The General Assembly went two years without passing a budget so teachers went two years without a raise. Our teachers shouldn’t pay the price for political failures of this legislature. In the end, I voted for this year’s budget, which delivered an average 8% raise for teachers and lifted starting pay from $41,000 to $48,000, the largest starting teacher raise in nearly 50 years.

But that’s really just a start when it comes to investing in public education. Most of the raise went to early-career teachers, while veterans with 15 or more years received about 5%. We still trail every one of our neighboring states.

What else can we do next year?

First, we can end the pay plateau. Teachers with 15 to 24 years of experience get no increase in base pay, which punishes the very teachers we most need to keep.

Second, we need to restore master’s pay for teachers with advanced degrees in the subjects they teach.

Third, we need to reach the national average on a multiyear schedule, so teachers can plan their futures here instead of being lured away to another state.

Going forward, teachers’ experience-based step increases should never again be held hostage to a budget impasse. And I’ll keep pushing to fully fund our schools under Leandro, rather than passing more tax cuts that drain the revenue our classrooms need.”

9. North Carolina currently has a 12-week abortion ban with certain exceptions. Some legislators have proposed further restrictions. Do you support the current law, believe access should be expanded, or would you support further restrictions?“

Access to abortion should be expanded, not restricted further. I know exactly what’s at stake because I fought this battle already. In 2023, Republicans drafted the most restrictive abortion bill in our state’s history in secret over five months, then released the 46-page bill on a Tuesday night and rammed it through committee the next morning — banning most abortions after 12 weeks, mandating multiple in-person visits, forcing ultrasounds, and imposing new licensing burdens on clinics, all without a single hour of input from doctors, women, or the public. In committee, I called it exactly what it was: the single best example of government overreach and red tape designed to make it as difficult as possible for a woman to get an abortion. I helped lead the longest Senate floor debate in modern state history — six hours, twenty speeches, procedural motions to slow it down.

We lost that vote, but I made clear on the Senate floor it wasn’t over: whether it takes next year, this decade, or my daughter’s generation, we will organize and fight with everything we have to reclaim a woman’s fundamental constitutional right. That fight continues today — I oppose the current 12-week ban and any further restrictions, and I’ll keep pushing to expand access.”

10. Federal legislation will ban most hemp-derived THC products, like Delta-8, by December 2026, threatening North Carolina’s hemp industry. Meanwhile, recreational marijuana remains illegal and medical marijuana bills have stalled. What is your position on hemp regulation and would you address the upcoming federal ban, if at all?

“On hemp, I believe in smart regulation, not prohibition or a free-for-all. Right now North Carolina has almost no rules on intoxicating hemp products — no age limits, no potency caps — and that’s put kids at risk. I support restricting sales to adults 21 and older, requiring testing and clear labeling, and directing revenue toward public health and addiction services. But regulation shouldn’t be written so strictly that it wipes out legitimate NC hemp businesses, including my breweries that serve hemp drinks, and the jobs they support — the goal is protecting families, not banning an entire industry over the actions of bad actors.

On marijuana, my position is clear: I’m a primary sponsor of the Marijuana Justice and Reinvestment Act, which would legalize and regulate cannabis for adults 21 and older, create a medical cannabis program, and automatically expunge past cannabis convictions. I’ve pushed this for three reasons: it’s about restorative justice, since our current marijuana laws have disproportionately criminalized communities of color; it’s about capturing a new tax base and creating jobs in an industry neighboring states are already profiting from; and it reflects where North Carolinians actually are — a majority supports legalization, and an even larger majority supports medical use.”

11. Iryna’s Law eliminates cashless bail, requires mental health evaluations for certain defendants, and attempts to restart the death penalty by requiring alternative execution methods if lethal injection is unavailable. The law also accelerates death penalty appeals. Where do you stand on the death penalty and these criminal justice reforms?

I support the death penalty for the most heinous crimes such as the murder of a law enforcement officer or the murder of a child. However, I believe our criminal justice system requires reform, including addressing the racial disparities in how death sentences are handed down. I would also support pretrial safety measures such as stronger judicial findings and mental health evaluations.

12. Tech companies are investing heavily in North Carolina data centers, bringing tax revenue but also consuming significant electricity and water resources. How should the state balance data center investment with environmental protection and community concerns?

Yes. I believe data centers should pay their own way, not shift costs onto ratepayers. I’d require developers to cover grid upgrades, use closed-loop water cooling, generate real clean energy on-site, and commit to local hiring rather than trading ratepayer protection for coal-plant delays. I support local governments’ right to pause new data center development through moratoriums while they study impacts on water, the grid, and neighborhoods. Our communities deserve a say before a project breaks ground. Affordability for families comes first.

13. Give an example of an opinion, policy, vote or action you changed based on constituent feedback. If you have not yet held elected office, describe a time when you changed your position on an issue after listening to those affected by it.

In early 2021, as Senate Democratic Whip, I helped Senate Democrats sustain Governor Cooper’s veto of a Republican bill that would have forced all schools to reopen without adequate safety guidelines or the flexibility to pull back if a new COVID variant hit. But rejecting that bill wasn’t enough — parents in my district were telling me their kids needed to get back in the classroom, and roughly 90% of North Carolina districts were already finding a safe way to do it. So two days after that veto vote, I drafted a letter — signed by nearly two dozen of my Senate Democratic colleagues — to the State Board of Education, pushing them to make sure every remaining district offered an in-person option, done safely and in line with CDC guidance. Listening to those parents changed how I approached the issue. I looked for the path that actually got kids back to school without sacrificing safety. That’s my approach: hearing what families are telling you, and then finding the real solution.

14. Are there any issues this questionnaire has not addressed that you would like to address?